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Brooks: Studying big data has limits

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For centuries, there have been efforts to come up with methods to predict human behavior — what Leon Wieseltier of The New Republic calls mathematizing the subjective. The current one is the effort to understand the world by using big data.

Other efforts to predict behavior were based on human nature. The people using big data don't presume to peer into souls. They don't try to explain why people are doing things. They just want to observe.

As Viktor Mayer-Schonberger and Kenneth Cukier write in, "Big Data," this movement asks us to move from causation to correlation. People using big data are not like novelists, psychologists, memoirists or gossips, coming up with intuitive narratives to explain the causal chains of why things are happening. "Contrary to conventional wisdom, such human intuiting of causality does not deepen our understanding of the world," they write.

They aim to stand back nonjudgmentally and observe linkages: "Correlations are powerful not only because they offer insights, but also because the insights they offer are relatively clear. These insights often get obscured when we bring causality back into the picture."

This method has yielded some impressive observations. Analysts can look at Google search terms and pick up where flu outbreaks are occurring. In doctor's offices, statistical predictions often make better diagnoses than clinical predictions. Wal-Mart executives looked at the data and noticed that, as hurricanes approach, people buy large quantities of Strawberry Pop-Tarts. They began to put Pop-Tarts at the front of the stores with storm supplies.

I'm trying to appreciate the big data revolution, but also probe its limits. One limit is that correlations are actually not all that clear. A zillion things can correlate with each other, depending on how you structure the data and what you compare. To discern meaningful correlations from meaningless ones, you often have to rely on some causal hypothesis. You wind up back in the land of human theorizing.

Another obvious problem is that unlike physical objects and even animals, people are discontinuous. We have multiple selves. We are ambiguous and ambivalent. We get bored, and we self-deceive. We learn and mislearn from experience. Thus, the passing of time can produce unpredictable changes in taste and behavior.

Then there is the distinction between commodity decisions and flourishing decisions. Some decisions are straightforward commodities: what route to work is likely to be fastest. Big data can help. Flourishing decisions are things like who to marry, who to befriend, what career to pursue and what college to choose. These decisions involve trying to find people, places and things that harmonize with your subjective self. It's a mistake to take intuition out of this decision because subjectivity is the whole point.

One of my take-aways is that big data is really good at telling you what to pay attention to. It can tell you what sort of student is likely to fall behind. But then to help that student, you have to get back in the world of causality, back into responsibility, back to advising someone to do x because it will cause y.

Big data is like the offensive coordinator up in the booth at a football game who, with altitude, can see patterns others miss. But the head coach and players still need to be on the field of subjectivity.

Most advocates understand data are a tool, not a worldview. My worries mostly concentrate on the cultural impact of the vogue. If you adopt a mindset that replaces the narrative with the empirical, you have problems thinking about personal responsibility and morality. You wind up with a demoralized society. But that's for another day.

David Brooks writes for the New York Times.


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